Law Enforcement

Why Wasn’t SB 1286, the Police Transparency Bill, Allowed to Go Through the Legislative Process?



Late last week, SB 1286, a bill that would have allowed greater public access
to certain peace officer disciplinary records, was deep-sixed via a technical move in the state senate’s appropriations committee without any kind of discussion, or an up-or-down vote.

This is a pity. Whether one favored or opposed this particular bill, the topic of law enforcement transparency is an important issue in which there is strong interest, and both sides of the argument would have benefited if SB 1286 had gone more fully through the legislative process, complete with testimony, lively discussion, the possibility of amendments—and a public vote.

But that’s not what occurred.

If you’re not familiar with SB 1286, the broad strokes are as follows:

If it had passed in its present form, Californians would have full access to records of investigations and discipline in police shootings and other serious uses of force by police, and also in cases where law enforcement agencies have formally determined that their officers have violated the rights of members of the public.

In addition, Californians who file complaints alleging misconduct would be informed as to how the department responded. If the complaint was rejected, they would be told why. If it is sustained, they would be told what corrective action is to be taken.

On top of that, civilian oversight bodies and local governments would have access to the law enforcement records they need to carry out their duties. At the same time, those bodies would be required to keep confidential records to which they have access.

To protect the safety and privacy of officers, courts would be empowered to withhold records if there is a risk or danger to an officer or to someone else, or if disclosure would be an unwarranted invasion of officers’ privacy.


STATES THAT ALLOW PUBLIC ACCESS, STATES THAT DON’T, AND STATES THAT SORTA DO

In 27 states police discipline records are either entirely public or are public, but with some restrictions.

In the rest of the 23 states—California included—law enforcement’s disciplinary records are mostly, or entirely confidential.

With some of those states that favor confidentiality, like California and New York, the laws preventing public access to records are particularly stringent, and even when an officer has been subject to severe discipline for misconduct, like a lengthy suspension, or termination, the public has no right to know.

In our state, the only exception to that rule is a legal request known as a Pitchess motion, which may be used to attempt to obtain a small portion of a police officer’s confidential personnel records if a judge deems the damage of not forking over those records for evidentiary use in a civil or criminal proceeding, to be greater than any possible consequences that disclosure might bring about.

(WNYC Public Radio investigated the laws in each state and, using their handy info graphics, you too can check out which states restrict or allow what.)

In contrast, Texas generally allows police disciplinary records to be made public. Yet, in certain areas of the state, local codes provide tighter rules. Even in those regions, however, the public may access files pertaining to disciplinary actions where the officer received at least a suspension or loss of pay (providing the discipline was in writing).

In still other states, like Washington, Utah, Arizona, North Dakota, Florida and Alabama, police disciplinary records are available to the public virtually across the board, unless an active disciplinary investigation is underway, or if the information will compromise an officer’s personal privacy or safety.


THE ISSUES OF PRIVACY & SAFETY

When in February of this year, California state senator Mark Leno (D-San Francisco), together with a bi-partisan list of co-authors, introduced SB 1286, it was not clear whether on not the controversial bill had a chance of passing, but many advocates felt it did indeed have a shot and, failing that, the believed that some version of the proposed legislation will likely pass in the next year or two. After all, in addition to law enforcement reform advocates it had gathered the vocal support of San Francisco District Attorney, George Gascon, and San Francisco Public Defender Jeff Adachi.

The bill was strongly opposed by police unions and other law enforcement organizations, along with the Los Angeles County Federation of Labor, led by Executive Secretary-Treasurer, Rusty Hicks, who sent a letter to Senator Leno announcing the group’s opposition to the bill, which he said would strip peace officers of privacy in their personnel records.

“The thing that we heard is that it was about officer safety, and officer privacy,” said Peter Bibring, director of police practices for the ACLU of California. (The ACLU was another of the bill’s sponsors.) “But the bill specifically protected officer safety and officer privacy.”

And, Bibring said, “opponents have never pointed to a single instance where officers were harmed or where there was a threat of harm because of records being released.

“So it’s not really really about safety. It’s a worry about public scrutiny,” he said. “But the thing is, People mistrust decisions that are made behind closed doors Courts are open. The legislative process is open.” But we can know nothing, he said, about “when a police officer takes a civilian’s life.

“And without the facts, people react to the withholding of information. They don’t like it.”

Bibring also stressed that, “it’s only serious uses of force and actual findings of misconduct,” that would be disclosed under the proposed legislation. “So the bill, even if it had passed, would have left police with significant more confidentially that any other public employee.” Yet, he said, a change in the law would go a long way in improving public trust of their police.

George Hofstetter, the head of ALADS, the LA County Sheriff’s Department’s deputies’ union, disagreed.

“If allowing the wholesale invasion of police personnel files would lead to increased trust or accountability in law enforcement,” he wrote, “surely the proponents could cite an example. They note that twenty three states allow the type of access they seek to impose in California—yet there isn’t a single study which shows the level of trust in peace officers or accountability of law enforcement is any greater than in California.”

All points that could have come into hearing testimony for the bill. But instead, senate appropriations committee chair, Sen. Ricardo Lara (D-Los Angeles), simply unilaterally spiked SB 1286 by failing to call it to a vote.

In doing so he did the rest of us a disservice.

15 Comments

  • Honestly, just how long do you liberals think you’ll have any police protection in light of

    -Pension attacks (what you call “reform”)
    -YouTube videos of intentional provocation of police
    -Privacy attacks
    -DOJ oversight of operations (as if they have ANY experience in local law enforcement

    The quiet majority is slowly waking up across the country, realizing that the more liberals are allowed to beat law enforcement into submission, they will stop all proactive policing and let the goblins take over. Murders in those cities are spiraling up tremendously.

    Who are you libs going to call for help when the police simply give up? Maybe the crips or your little pet homeboy industries “reformed” gang members will run over to save your butts during a home invasion robbery.

    Yeah, not so much.

  • @ 1. IzFuzz Says –
    Who do you call to run over and save your butt during a home invasion robbery?,
    because they don’t let me make any phone calls during a home invasion robbery.
    In the past, before LAPD Officer Roberto Palacios and cohorts were arrested and convicted, you didn’t need to call anyone.
    Officer Palacios was already there in uniform and driving a marked patrol car, conducting the home invasion robbery.

  • Hey Quasi…….I believe you meant to say Ruben Palomares, formerly of LAPD.

  • Statistically speaking – my apologies to anyone named Palacios. that was an absolute error. i stand corrected.

  • […] Yet, despite enjoying such widespread and overwhelming support, these reforms have not been enacted, and this isn’t likely to change any time soon. Last year the bills relating to body cam video by and large attempted to prohibit rather that permit public access – those bills fortunately were defeated, but that left police departments, like the LAPD, free to adopt policies that seek to ensure the public never sees video from body cams. And this year a bill with a bipartisan list of authors (SB 1286) – which would have given the public some access to police discipline records – failed to make it out of the appropriations committee, or even get a hearing in appropriations. […]

  • […] Yet, despite enjoying such widespread and overwhelming support, these reforms have not been enacted, and this isn’t likely to change any time soon. Last year the bills relating to body cam video by and large attempted to prohibit rather that permit public access – those bills fortunately were defeated, but that left police departments, like the LAPD, free to adopt policies that seek to ensure the public never sees video from body cams. And this year a bill with a bipartisan list of authors (SB 1286) – which would have given the public some access to police discipline records – failed to make it out of the appropriations committee, or even get a hearing in appropriations. […]

  • […] Yet, despite enjoying such widespread and overwhelming support, these reforms have not been enacted, and this isn’t likely to change any time soon. Last year the bills relating to body cam video by and large attempted to prohibit rather that permit public access – those bills fortunately were defeated, but that left police departments, like the LAPD, free to adopt policies that seek to ensure the public never sees video from body cams. And this year a bill with a bipartisan list of authors (SB 1286) – which would have given the public some access to police discipline records – failed to make it out of the appropriations committee, or even get a hearing in appropriations. […]

  • […] Yet, despite enjoying such widespread and overwhelming support, these reforms have not been enacted, and this isn’t likely to change any time soon. Last year the bills relating to body cam video by and large attempted to prohibit rather that permit public access – those bills fortunately were defeated, but that left police departments, like the LAPD, free to adopt policies that seek to ensure the public never sees video from body cams. And this year a bill with a bipartisan list of authors (SB 1286) – which would have given the public some access to police discipline records – failed to make it out of the appropriations committee, or even get a hearing in appropriations. […]

  • I am appalled that the head of the police union of ALADS thinks it’s ok to release cops records … That is BS and your members should remove him from that position

  • I’ll tell you precisely why SB 1286 failed. See that guy in the photo, Mark Leno? Two years earlier, he introduced, further authored Senate Constitutional Amendment No. 3 (proposition 42), which added the following, constitutional amendment under the California Bill of Rights:

    (7) In order to ensure public access to the meetings of public bodies and the writings of public officials and agencies, as specified in paragraph (1), each local agency is hereby required to comply with the California Public Records Act (Chapter 3.5 (commencing with Section 6250) of Division 7 of Title 1 of the Government Code) and the Ralph M. Brown Act (Chapter 9 (commencing with Section 54950) of Part 1 of Division 2 of Title 5 of the Government Code), and with any subsequent statutory enactment amending either act, enacting a successor act, or amending any successor act that contains findings demonstrating that the statutory enactment furthers the purposes of this section.
    (Sec. 3 amended June 3, 2014, by Prop. 42. Res.Ch. 123, 2013.)

    Sounds good; right? Well; this is the part you have to pay attention to, because it supersedes everything else under section 3.

    “each local agency is hereby required to comply with the California Public Records Act (Chapter 3.5 (commencing with Section 6250) of Division 7 of Title 1 of the Government Code) and the Ralph M. Brown Act (Chapter 9 (commencing with Section 54950) of Part 1 of Division 2 of Title 5 of the Government Code), and with any subsequent statutory enactment amending either act, enacting a successor act, or amending any successor act that contains findings demonstrating that the statutory enactment furthers the purposes of this section.”

    In simple English, this means that the county attorney in every county, typically in charge of reviewing any request for public records from a law enforcement agency, can and will deny a request based solely upon whether or not he or she “thinks” their client might get sued if it’s released; due to provisions since tucked away in the Brown Act, and you’ll never know it. For 6254 (f) was later secretly amended under Assembly Bill 1455, introduced by Bocanegra, which included the Brown Act, further showed that the Dills Act, State Excluded Employees Bill of Rights, and the Higher Education Employer-Employee Relations Act — all union acts previously included, was included in October, 2017; though no reflection of it exist under 6254 (f). In fact, the “express provision” doesn’t even exist under 6254 (f), as required under the CPRA, and must either be literally said or expressed throughout. And it does not. The only thing said under 6254 (f) is that nothing in this chapter requires the release of records in this section. That doesn’t mean exempt, nor does it mean that a select, constitutional provision won’t overcome it.

    Therefore, why did they do this? Because the state didn’t want to be liable for any additional expenses from law suites; thus, they defrauded millions of Californians under Proposition 42, which expressed that a yes vote meant access to public records, further implied savings in the tens of millions of dollars by making local governments pay for the expense of giving public records. However, what it actually does is make enforcement of denial in the aforementioned a constitutional mandate for the aforementioned county attorneys and the entities they represent. Therefore, if any of the rights in section 1 of the bill of rights is ever violated by a public agency (typically police/sheriff), then you the voter have no recourse to enforce those rights, nor be compensated for them, when you need a record to prove it. And a right which has no means to enforce it is no right at all.

    “But but but; you can get records in discovery, right?” Read the CPRA. It clearly states that they can withhold records when litigation is pending or ongoing. “But but but; the rules of court state otherwise!” Read subdivision 7 again, then find the section I just mentioned in the CPRA, further recognize the fact that a judge is subject to it as well. “But but but; that’s unconstitutional!” No shit. See section 9 of the California Constitution:

    “A bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts may not be passed.”

    Here’s some legal examples of contracts:

    The United States Constitution
    The California Constitution
    Proposition 42
    Bill of Rights

    Can we say fraud and perjury boys and girls? I knew you could. Didn’t anyone ever tell you not to trust a politician? And you thought good ol Leno was your friend.

    Oh, and if you need to go federal, section 10 of the United States Constitution mirrors section 9 of the California Constitution.

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