Elections '08 Presidential Race Race & Justice

“…it is where we start. It is where our union grows stronger”


Whatever candidate you want to see become President
, whatever your party or political leaning, please take the time to listen. I’m admittedly an Obama supporter. But I can’t remember ever hearing a more significant political speech in my adult lifetime.

We’re all in this together. We really are.

(You can read the full text of Obama’s speech below. But, in truth, it needs to be heard….or watched)


Constitution Center
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
March 18, 2008

We the people, in order to form a more perfect union.

Two hundred and twenty one years ago, in a hall that still stands across the street, a group of men gathered and, with these simple words, launched America’s improbable experiment in democracy. Farmers and scholars; statesmen and patriots who had traveled across an ocean to escape tyranny and persecution finally made real their declaration of independence at a Philadelphia convention that lasted through the spring of 1787.

The document they produced was eventually signed but ultimately unfinished. It was stained by this nation’s original sin of slavery, a question that divided the colonies and brought the convention to a stalemate until the founders chose to allow the slave trade to continue for at least twenty more years, and to leave any final resolution to future generations.

Of course, the answer to the slavery question was already embedded within our Constitution – a Constitution that had at is very core the ideal of equal citizenship under the law; a Constitution that promised its people liberty, and justice, and a union that could be and should be perfected over time.

And yet words on a parchment would not be enough to deliver slaves from bondage, or provide men and women of every color and creed their full rights and obligations as citizens of the United States. What would be needed were Americans in successive generations who were willing to do their part – through protests and struggle, on the streets and in the courts, through a civil war and civil disobedience and always at great risk – to narrow that gap between the promise of our ideals and the reality of their time.

This was one of the tasks we set forth at the beginning of this campaign – to continue the long march of those who came before us, a march for a more just, more equal, more free, more caring and more prosperous America. I chose to run for the presidency at this moment in history because I believe deeply that we cannot solve the challenges of our time unless we solve them together – unless we perfect our union by understanding that we may have different stories, but we hold common hopes; that we may not look the same and we may not have come from the same place, but we all want to move in the same direction – towards a better future for of children and our grandchildren.

This belief comes from my unyielding faith in the decency and generosity of the American people. But it also comes from my own American story.

(read the rest after the jump)

I am the son of a black man from Kenya and a white woman from Kansas. I was raised with the help of a white grandfather who survived a Depression to serve in Patton’s Army during World War II and a white grandmother who worked on a bomber assembly line at Fort Leavenworth while he was overseas. I’ve gone to some of the best schools in America and lived in one of the world’s poorest nations. I am married to a black American who carries within her the blood of slaves and slaveowners – an inheritance we pass on to our two precious daughters. I have brothers, sisters, nieces, nephews, uncles and cousins, of every race and every hue, scattered across three continents, and for as long as I live, I will never forget that in no other country on Earth is my story even possible.

It’s a story that hasn’t made me the most conventional candidate. But it is a story that has seared into my genetic makeup the idea that this nation is more than the sum of its parts – that out of many, we are truly one.

Throughout the first year of this campaign, against all predictions to the contrary, we saw how hungry the American people were for this message of unity. Despite the temptation to view my candidacy through a purely racial lens, we won commanding victories in states with some of the whitest populations in the country. In South Carolina, where the Confederate Flag still flies, we built a powerful coalition of African Americans and white Americans.

This is not to say that race has not been an issue in the campaign. At various stages in the campaign, some commentators have deemed me either “too black” or “not black enough.” We saw racial tensions bubble to the surface during the week before the South Carolina primary. The press has scoured every exit poll for the latest evidence of racial polarization, not just in terms of white and black, but black and brown as well.

And yet, it has only been in the last couple of weeks that the discussion of race in this campaign has taken a particularly divisive turn.

On one end of the spectrum, we’ve heard the implication that my candidacy is somehow an exercise in affirmative action; that it’s based solely on the desire of wide-eyed liberals to purchase racial reconciliation on the cheap. On the other end, we’ve heard my former pastor, Reverend Jeremiah Wright, use incendiary language to express views that have the potential not only to widen the racial divide, but views that denigrate both the greatness and the goodness of our nation; that rightly offend white and black alike.

I have already condemned, in unequivocal terms, the statements of Reverend Wright that have caused such controversy. For some, nagging questions remain. Did I know him to be an occasionally fierce critic of American domestic and foreign policy? Of course. Did I ever hear him make remarks that could be considered controversial while I sat in church? Yes. Did I strongly disagree with many of his political views? Absolutely – just as I’m sure many of you have heard remarks from your pastors, priests, or rabbis with which you strongly disagreed.

But the remarks that have caused this recent firestorm weren’t simply controversial. They weren’t simply a religious leader’s effort to speak out against perceived injustice. Instead, they expressed a profoundly distorted view of this country – a view that sees white racism as endemic, and that elevates what is wrong with America above all that we know is right with America; a view that sees the conflicts in the Middle East as rooted primarily in the actions of stalwart allies like Israel, instead of emanating from the perverse and hateful ideologies of radical Islam.

As such, Reverend Wright’s comments were not only wrong but divisive, divisive at a time when we need unity; racially charged at a time when we need to come together to solve a set of monumental problems – two wars, a terrorist threat, a falling economy, a chronic health care crisis and potentially devastating climate change; problems that are neither black or white or Latino or Asian, but rather problems that confront us all.

Given my background, my politics, and my professed values and ideals, there will no doubt be those for whom my statements of condemnation are not enough. Why associate myself with Reverend Wright in the first place, they may ask? Why not join another church? And I confess that if all that I knew of Reverend Wright were the snippets of those sermons that have run in an endless loop on the television and You Tube, or if Trinity United Church of Christ conformed to the caricatures being peddled by some commentators, there is no doubt that I would react in much the same way

But the truth is, that isn’t all that I know of the man. The man I met more than twenty years ago is a man who helped introduce me to my Christian faith, a man who spoke to me about our obligations to love one another; to care for the sick and lift up the poor. He is a man who served his country as a U.S. Marine; who has studied and lectured at some of the finest universities and seminaries in the country, and who for over thirty years led a church that serves the community by doing God’s work here on Earth – by housing the homeless, ministering to the needy, providing day care services and scholarships and prison ministries, and reaching out to those suffering from HIV/AIDS.

In my first book, Dreams From My Father, I described the experience of my first service at Trinity:

“People began to shout, to rise from their seats and clap and cry out, a forceful wind carrying the reverend’s voice up into the rafters….And in that single note – hope! – I heard something else; at the foot of that cross, inside the thousands of churches across the city, I imagined the stories of ordinary black people merging with the stories of David and Goliath, Moses and Pharaoh, the Christians in the lion’s den, Ezekiel’s field of dry bones. Those stories – of survival, and freedom, and hope – became our story, my story; the blood that had spilled was our blood, the tears our tears; until this black church, on this bright day, seemed once more a vessel carrying the story of a people into future generations and into a larger world. Our trials and triumphs became at once unique and universal, black and more than black; in chronicling our journey, the stories and songs gave us a means to reclaim memories that we didn’t need to feel shame about…memories that all people might study and cherish – and with which we could start to rebuild.”

That has been my experience at Trinity. Like other predominantly black churches across the country, Trinity embodies the black community in its entirety – the doctor and the welfare mom, the model student and the former gang-banger. Like other black churches, Trinity’s services are full of raucous laughter and sometimes bawdy humor. They are full of dancing, clapping, screaming and shouting that may seem jarring to the untrained ear. The church contains in full the kindness and cruelty, the fierce intelligence and the shocking ignorance, the struggles and successes, the love and yes, the bitterness and bias that make up the black experience in America.

And this helps explain, perhaps, my relationship with Reverend Wright. As imperfect as he may be, he has been like family to me. He strengthened my faith, officiated my wedding, and baptized my children. Not once in my conversations with him have I heard him talk about any ethnic group in derogatory terms, or treat whites with whom he interacted with anything but courtesy and respect. He contains within him the contradictions – the good and the bad – of the community that he has served diligently for so many years.

I can no more disown him than I can disown the black community. I can no more disown him than I can my white grandmother – a woman who helped raise me, a woman who sacrificed again and again for me, a woman who loves me as much as she loves anything in this world, but a woman who once confessed her fear of black men who passed by her on the street, and who on more than one occasion has uttered racial or ethnic stereotypes that made me cringe.

These people are a part of me. And they are a part of America, this country that I love.

Some will see this as an attempt to justify or excuse comments that are simply inexcusable. I can assure you it is not. I suppose the politically safe thing would be to move on from this episode and just hope that it fades into the woodwork. We can dismiss Reverend Wright as a crank or a demagogue, just as some have dismissed Geraldine Ferraro, in the aftermath of her recent statements, as harboring some deep-seated racial bias.

But race is an issue that I believe this nation cannot afford to ignore right now. We would be making the same mistake that Reverend Wright made in his offending sermons about America – to simplify and stereotype and amplify the negative to the point that it distorts reality.

The fact is that the comments that have been made and the issues that have surfaced over the last few weeks reflect the complexities of race in this country that we’ve never really worked through – a part of our union that we have yet to perfect. And if we walk away now, if we simply retreat into our respective corners, we will never be able to come together and solve challenges like health care, or education, or the need to find good jobs for every American.

Understanding this reality requires a reminder of how we arrived at this point. As William Faulkner once wrote, “The past isn’t dead and buried. In fact, it isn’t even past.” We do not need to recite here the history of racial injustice in this country. But we do need to remind ourselves that so many of the disparities that exist in the African-American community today can be directly traced to inequalities passed on from an earlier generation that suffered under the brutal legacy of slavery and Jim Crow.

Segregated schools were, and are, inferior schools; we still haven’t fixed them, fifty years after Brown v. Board of Education, and the inferior education they provided, then and now, helps explain the pervasive achievement gap between today’s black and white students.

Legalized discrimination – where blacks were prevented, often through violence, from owning property, or loans were not granted to African-American business owners, or black homeowners could not access FHA mortgages, or blacks were excluded from unions, or the police force, or fire departments – meant that black families could not amass any meaningful wealth to bequeath to future generations. That history helps explain the wealth and income gap between black and white, and the concentrated pockets of poverty that persists in so many of today’s urban and rural communities.

A lack of economic opportunity among black men, and the shame and frustration that came from not being able to provide for one’s family, contributed to the erosion of black families – a problem that welfare policies for many years may have worsened. And the lack of basic services in so many urban black neighborhoods – parks for kids to play in, police walking the beat, regular garbage pick-up and building code enforcement – all helped create a cycle of violence, blight and neglect that continue to haunt us.

This is the reality in which Reverend Wright and other African-Americans of his generation grew up. They came of age in the late fifties and early sixties, a time when segregation was still the law of the land and opportunity was systematically constricted. What’s remarkable is not how many failed in the face of discrimination, but rather how many men and women overcame the odds; how many were able to make a way out of no way for those like me who would come after them.

But for all those who scratched and clawed their way to get a piece of the American Dream, there were many who didn’t make it – those who were ultimately defeated, in one way or another, by discrimination. That legacy of defeat was passed on to future generations – those young men and increasingly young women who we see standing on street corners or languishing in our prisons, without hope or prospects for the future. Even for those blacks who did make it, questions of race, and racism, continue to define their worldview in fundamental ways. For the men and women of Reverend Wright’s generation, the memories of humiliation and doubt and fear have not gone away; nor has the anger and the bitterness of those years. That anger may not get expressed in public, in front of white co-workers or white friends. But it does find voice in the barbershop or around the kitchen table. At times, that anger is exploited by politicians, to gin up votes along racial lines, or to make up for a politician’s own failings.

And occasionally it finds voice in the church on Sunday morning, in the pulpit and in the pews. The fact that so many people are surprised to hear that anger in some of Reverend Wright’s sermons simply reminds us of the old truism that the most segregated hour in American life occurs on Sunday morning. That anger is not always productive; indeed, all too often it distracts attention from solving real problems; it keeps us from squarely facing our own complicity in our condition, and prevents the African-American community from forging the alliances it needs to bring about real change. But the anger is real; it is powerful; and to simply wish it away, to condemn it without understanding its roots, only serves to widen the chasm of misunderstanding that exists between the races.

In fact, a similar anger exists within segments of the white community. Most working- and middle-class white Americans don’t feel that they have been particularly privileged by their race. Their experience is the immigrant experience – as far as they’re concerned, no one’s handed them anything, they’ve built it from scratch. They’ve worked hard all their lives, many times only to see their jobs shipped overseas or their pension dumped after a lifetime of labor. They are anxious about their futures, and feel their dreams slipping away; in an era of stagnant wages and global competition, opportunity comes to be seen as a zero sum game, in which your dreams come at my expense. So when they are told to bus their children to a school across town; when they hear that an African American is getting an advantage in landing a good job or a spot in a good college because of an injustice that they themselves never committed; when they’re told that their fears about crime in urban neighborhoods are somehow prejudiced, resentment builds over time.

Like the anger within the black community, these resentments aren’t always expressed in polite company. But they have helped shape the political landscape for at least a generation. Anger over welfare and affirmative action helped forge the Reagan Coalition. Politicians routinely exploited fears of crime for their own electoral ends. Talk show hosts and conservative commentators built entire careers unmasking bogus claims of racism while dismissing legitimate discussions of racial injustice and inequality as mere political correctness or reverse racism.

Just as black anger often proved counterproductive, so have these white resentments distracted attention from the real culprits of the middle class squeeze – a corporate culture rife with inside dealing, questionable accounting practices, and short-term greed; a Washington dominated by lobbyists and special interests; economic policies that favor the few over the many. And yet, to wish away the resentments of white Americans, to label them as misguided or even racist, without recognizing they are grounded in legitimate concerns – this too widens the racial divide, and blocks the path to understanding.

This is where we are right now. It’s a racial stalemate we’ve been stuck in for years. Contrary to the claims of some of my critics, black and white, I have never been so naïve as to believe that we can get beyond our racial divisions in a single election cycle, or with a single candidacy – particularly a candidacy as imperfect as my own.

But I have asserted a firm conviction – a conviction rooted in my faith in God and my faith in the American people – that working together we can move beyond some of our old racial wounds, and that in fact we have no choice is we are to continue on the path of a more perfect union.

For the African-American community, that path means embracing the burdens of our past without becoming victims of our past. It means continuing to insist on a full measure of justice in every aspect of American life. But it also means binding our particular grievances – for better health care, and better schools, and better jobs – to the larger aspirations of all Americans — the white woman struggling to break the glass ceiling, the white man whose been laid off, the immigrant trying to feed his family. And it means taking full responsibility for own lives – by demanding more from our fathers, and spending more time with our children, and reading to them, and teaching them that while they may face challenges and discrimination in their own lives, they must never succumb to despair or cynicism; they must always believe that they can write their own destiny.

Ironically, this quintessentially American – and yes, conservative – notion of self-help found frequent expression in Reverend Wright’s sermons. But what my former pastor too often failed to understand is that embarking on a program of self-help also requires a belief that society can change.

The profound mistake of Reverend Wright’s sermons is not that he spoke about racism in our society. It’s that he spoke as if our society was static; as if no progress has been made; as if this country – a country that has made it possible for one of his own members to run for the highest office in the land and build a coalition of white and black; Latino and Asian, rich and poor, young and old — is still irrevocably bound to a tragic past. But what we know — what we have seen – is that America can change. That is true genius of this nation. What we have already achieved gives us hope – the audacity to hope – for what we can and must achieve tomorrow.

In the white community, the path to a more perfect union means acknowledging that what ails the African-American community does not just exist in the minds of black people; that the legacy of discrimination – and current incidents of discrimination, while less overt than in the past – are real and must be addressed. Not just with words, but with deeds – by investing in our schools and our communities; by enforcing our civil rights laws and ensuring fairness in our criminal justice system; by providing this generation with ladders of opportunity that were unavailable for previous generations. It requires all Americans to realize that your dreams do not have to come at the expense of my dreams; that investing in the health, welfare, and education of black and brown and white children will ultimately help all of America prosper.

In the end, then, what is called for is nothing more, and nothing less, than what all the world’s great religions demand – that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us. Let us be our brother’s keeper, Scripture tells us. Let us be our sister’s keeper. Let us find that common stake we all have in one another, and let our politics reflect that spirit as well.

For we have a choice in this country. We can accept a politics that breeds division, and conflict, and cynicism. We can tackle race only as spectacle – as we did in the OJ trial – or in the wake of tragedy, as we did in the aftermath of Katrina – or as fodder for the nightly news. We can play Reverend Wright’s sermons on every channel, every day and talk about them from now until the election, and make the only question in this campaign whether or not the American people think that I somehow believe or sympathize with his most offensive words. We can pounce on some gaffe by a Hillary supporter as evidence that she’s playing the race card, or we can speculate on whether white men will all flock to John McCain in the general election regardless of his policies.

We can do that.

But if we do, I can tell you that in the next election, we’ll be talking about some other distraction. And then another one. And then another one. And nothing will change.

That is one option. Or, at this moment, in this election, we can come together and say, “Not this time.” This time we want to talk about the crumbling schools that are stealing the future of black children and white children and Asian children and Hispanic children and Native American children. This time we want to reject the cynicism that tells us that these kids can’t learn; that those kids who don’t look like us are somebody else’s problem. The children of America are not those kids, they are our kids, and we will not let them fall behind in a 21st century economy. Not this time.

This time we want to talk about how the lines in the Emergency Room are filled with whites and blacks and Hispanics who do not have health care; who don’t have the power on their own to overcome the special interests in Washington, but who can take them on if we do it together.

This time we want to talk about the shuttered mills that once provided a decent life for men and women of every race, and the homes for sale that once belonged to Americans from every religion, every region, every walk of life. This time we want to talk about the fact that the real problem is not that someone who doesn’t look like you might take your job; it’s that the corporation you work for will ship it overseas for nothing more than a profit.

This time we want to talk about the men and women of every color and creed who serve together, and fight together, and bleed together under the same proud flag. We want to talk about how to bring them home from a war that never should’ve been authorized and never should’ve been waged, and we want to talk about how we’ll show our patriotism by caring for them, and their families, and giving them the benefits they have earned.

I would not be running for President if I didn’t believe with all my heart that this is what the vast majority of Americans want for this country. This union may never be perfect, but generation after generation has shown that it can always be perfected. And today, whenever I find myself feeling doubtful or cynical about this possibility, what gives me the most hope is the next generation – the young people whose attitudes and beliefs and openness to change have already made history in this election.

There is one story in particularly that I’d like to leave you with today – a story I told when I had the great honor of speaking on Dr. King’s birthday at his home church, Ebenezer Baptist, in Atlanta.

There is a young, twenty-three year old white woman named Ashley Baia who organized for our campaign in Florence, South Carolina. She had been working to organize a mostly African-American community since the beginning of this campaign, and one day she was at a roundtable discussion where everyone went around telling their story and why they were there.

And Ashley said that when she was nine years old, her mother got cancer. And because she had to miss days of work, she was let go and lost her health care. They had to file for bankruptcy, and that’s when Ashley decided that she had to do something to help her mom.

She knew that food was one of their most expensive costs, and so Ashley convinced her mother that what she really liked and really wanted to eat more than anything else was mustard and relish sandwiches. Because that was the cheapest way to eat.

She did this for a year until her mom got better, and she told everyone at the roundtable that the reason she joined our campaign was so that she could help the millions of other children in the country who want and need to help their parents too.

Now Ashley might have made a different choice. Perhaps somebody told her along the way that the source of her mother’s problems were blacks who were on welfare and too lazy to work, or Hispanics who were coming into the country illegally. But she didn’t. She sought out allies in her fight against injustice.

Anyway, Ashley finishes her story and then goes around the room and asks everyone else why they’re supporting the campaign. They all have different stories and reasons. Many bring up a specific issue. And finally they come to this elderly black man who’s been sitting there quietly the entire time. And Ashley asks him why he’s there. And he does not bring up a specific issue. He does not say health care or the economy. He does not say education or the war. He does not say that he was there because of Barack Obama. He simply says to everyone in the room, “I am here because of Ashley.”

“I’m here because of Ashley.” By itself, that single moment of recognition between that young white girl and that old black man is not enough. It is not enough to give health care to the sick, or jobs to the jobless, or education to our children.

But it is where we start. It is where our union grows stronger. And as so many generations have come to realize over the course of the two-hundred and twenty one years since a band of patriots signed that document in Philadelphia, that is where the perfection begins.



  • I listened to a good part of this. It’s a good talk. For years, Rev. Wright ministered to Sen. Obama. Now, Sen. Obama can return the favor by minstering to Rev. Wright.

  • Here’s the most fascinating response to Obama’s speech so far – almost as unexpected as Woody’s. Charles Murray – yes, the “Bell Curve” author – reacting over at National Review Online’s “Corner”:

    Have I missed the competition? [Charles Murray]
    I read the various posts here on “The Corner,” mostly pretty ho-hum or critical about Obama’s speech. Then I figured I’d better read the text (I tried to find a video of it, but couldn’t). I’ve just finished. Has any other major American politician ever made a speech on race that comes even close to this one? As far as I’m concerned, it is just plain flat out brilliant—rhetorically, but also in capturing a lot of nuance about race in America. It is so far above the standard we’re used to from our pols…. But you know me. Starry-eyed Obama groupie.

    03/18 01:06 PM

  • The Huffington Post story sums up “The Wire” and Baltimore like this, reminds me of another big city which I know nothing about or never lived in.

    Here’s what happened in season five of The Wire when almost no one — among the working press, at least — was looking:

    Our newspaper missed every major story.

    The mayor, who came in promising reform, is instead forcing his police department to once again cook the stats to create the illusion that crime is going down. Uncovered.

    The school system has been teaching test questions to improve No Child Left Behind scores, and to protect the mayor politically and to validate a system that is failing to properly educate city children. No expose published.

    Key investigations and prosecutions are undercut or abandoned by the political machinations of police officials, prosecutors and political figures. Departmental priorities make high-level drug investigation prohibitive.

    Not the news that’s fit to print.

    Drug wars, territorial disputes, and the assassination of the city’s largest drug importer manage to produce a brief inside the metro section that refers only to the slaying of a second-hand appliance store owner.

  • Yup, probably an uncanny resemblance there about fudging crime stats and gang wars — the way Bratton echoes the Mayor in insisting this uptick isn’t in any significant way racially motivated, and doesn’t involve any ethnic groups more than any other, even as the facts speak otherwise. Earl Ofari Hutchinson has been blogging about this for months (Bratten even singled him out as an alarmist without evidence).

    But not even close about the schools, whose “realities” only hit home to you guys when schools like Markham, Locke, Roosevelt are featured in the papers or this blog. Unlikely you’ll ever see a realistic show about LAUSD, either: when it comes to shows set in schools, they seem to be of three types: poor, inner city; safe and relatively homogenous suburbia, the school of most Americans’ childhoods; and spoiled rich, preppy, set in some tony east coast school or amidst the nouveau-riche excesses of a place like the O C.

    You’ll never see the one about “rich” kids unable to attend their local schools, or what were their local schools a generation ago when older boomers raised their kids, because they’re now outposts of the inner city in terms of student body, culture and academic achievement. That wouldn’t resonate anywhere else or even seem believable: why would any rational people in “dream homes” worth millions, put up with such a situation? Why would they just accept it, existing in the insular world of private schools which mimic the east, the less wealthy struggling to pay their bills an keep up with the cash and flash, others giving up and moving out of homes and a place they may otherwise love — long ago resigned to the fact that there’s nothing they can do, that their plight just doesn’t seem as pressing or emotionally stirring as some others? No, you’ll never see that in a tv series. No one would believe it.

  • “You’ll never see the one about “rich” kids unable to attend their local schools, or what were their local schools a generation ago when older boomers raised their kids, because they’re now outposts of the inner city in terms of student body, culture and academic achievement.”

    WBC, I’d love to say you’re wrong about this, but you’re not. Pali Balkanizes along racial lines and it’s not good. With smaller student bodies, like the magnets, the busing thing seems to work. But with the big high schools, kids seem inevitably to fracture into racial groups except in certain enclaves, like the sports teams. And everybody suffers. Yet it’s un-PC to talk about it. People do, but only behind closed doors.

    I don’t know what the solution is. What we have is lousy for all the reasons you list. And yet, we can’t have the racially ghettoized schools either. I know kids who’ve been bussed to Paul Revere Middle School and it’s been life saving. Suddenly they’re getting a decent education—comparatively speaking. I could tell you stories…..

    One thing I do know: if we don’t talk about it, we’ll never find a solution.

    That, in a round about way is why I’m grateful for Obama’s speech today. At least it opens the larger conversation in all its un-PC complexity.

  • Or the most important speech of our generation/time/etc. Gimme a break! The Obama devotees sure are doing all they can to defend him, though. Every damn one of them is doing all they can to turn this shitstorm around. Forget it. This wasn’t just some pastor at the church, this was Obama’s handpicked spiritual advisor. I really hope this is the end of Obama. I just can’t believe that, if he’s out, the Democrats are stuck w/ Hillary — a person half the nation despises.

  • Celeste: Paul Revere Middle and Pali High are the last bastions, because they’re so far west — but if you look at the heart of Westwood, Emerson Middle has almost no local kids whereas they have gang intervention counselors who feel overwhelmed, uniforms, etc. People at the feeder schools like Fairburn and Warner talk with great trepidation about people who’ve tried the school, and white kids are picked on because they’re so few and far between. Most leave, although I know one boy who stuck it out and got into Harvard-Westlake for 7th grade. It had been a socially dicey experience, though. Uni High in WLA, in a good area, gets even worse. Even a teacher from Fairburn elem. finagled her kids into Revere, but now, I’ve read that they’re required to give minority to diversity students so that even locals in Palisades aren’t guaranteed admission. Things are really pathetic when tony Westwood doesn’t have decent middle and high schools.

    Westwood Charter and other decent elem. schools face the same problems. But they’re relatively lucky, because in the hills and pricey BHPO, other than Wonderland, the schools kids are sent to like WeHo and Gardner, are more inner city.

    This is a tragedy because parents at schools like Fairburn are in a panic, not having the money for private schools. They include modestly-paid but highly educated UCLA faculty and staff parents. Some go to nearby Catholic schools or LACES, which is hard to get into, as a magnet. (Your friend Sandra Loh has the low-down on that route.) Some are blue- collar, like security guards and nurse aids who live in apts. to get into the school district. Then for middle school they disperse and panic.

    What horrible city policy, in a city which claims to want its workers living in town, and laments the loss of the middle class. They put all the blame on traffic, but that’s only a part of it.

    Only solution would be for politicians to put pressure on LAUSD to think of these people, and impact on the makeup of the city — but that’s not happening. What irks me most, is that it’s an ideological blindness, because no, it’s not P C. Ideology says these are “the bad guys” depriving the poor and needy at their own expense.

    I’m not touching Obama’s speech!

  • Celeste,

    You will pardon me if I ignored all of the other posts. In my 55 years on the planet (and about 48 of them being glued to politics) I actually can not recall a more inspiring talk. No, that’s not it. To have a major presidential candidate address issues that most other simply dance around with cliches and metaphors. Outstanding.

    It IS actually happening in my lifetime. I thought it might never, but it IS.

  • Without addressing with the transparently tendentious bullshit, I’d be interested in TWNTGSPENAA’s list of the most important speeches “of our generation” that top Obama’s. Let’s start with April 5th, 1968 as a “backend” cutoff date.

  • Celeste, that gratuitous idiot reg’s comments are exactly what one expects in discussing the schools issue. Not that anyone cares what he thinks about anything, let alone schools in L A. You yourself may or may not know that Fairburn and Westwood Charter are “south of Santa Monica,” and a mixed area of nice homes and apts., with equally mixed residents, as I noted. A very broad range of both.

    North of Santa Monica are schools like Warner, Roscomare, and many areas without decent schools. Damn those obnoxious whiny racists, to think they have any other use in this city except to finance a socialist redistribution! Schools for their kids? Who do they think they are? And if their kids were to learn to adapt to the gang culture (which even PopLock wouldn’t let his kids do), that’s just “divesity!”

  • I’m not touching WBC’s “speech” – such as it is. Nothing like having the terminally self-absorbed hijack a comment thread.

  • Thanks Celeste – I am still catching up with computer technology – sometimes I forget what it can do and I am so wedded to the damn radio…plus, I can cook and listen to the radio at the same time. More later perhaps.

  • Was Obama’s speech about schools in West Los Angeles? I must have missed that part of his speech.

  • It was a response to L A/Lost Res, a propos his sarcastic “a city I know nothing about…” combined with a compliment on the gang part of his comment. (unlike that foul-mouthed ignoramus, reg from Oakland.) Unless I’m mistaken, schools are the other ongoing item here, in thread after thread…Besides anyone who ventures an opinion that Obama is neither brilliant nor earns the mantle of FDR, JFK, MLK, the abolitionists and suffragettes, and Mother Theresa, is assaulted with vile tomatoes from Oakland. This is a blog for the converted to commune with each other. (The speech and whole situation ARE ground-breaking, whatever happens.)

  • Leave it to Woody to inject Niel Boortz into this. I’m sure this Rush wannabe is taking his cues from the Master and blasting Obama as the “Race” candidate.

  • Well WBC you may be right and there may be a lot of poor deluided souls out there like:
    Andrew Sullivan
    Charles Murray
    Tom Edsall
    Chris Matthews
    Todd Gitlin
    MJ Rosendberg
    Maureen Dowd
    the editorial boards of the Chicago TRIBUNE, the LA TIMES (comparing obama to another “Lanky lawyer from Illinois) and the NY TIMES and Boston GLOBE
    And political reporters like Matt Halperin of TIME along with Joe Klien. And Ben Smith of POLITICO.

    Course they could all be Obamabots and lack your fine education. . .

  • And while we’re on the subject of education, could I please hear some solutions for LAUSD. In particular:

    1. How will you hire and retain qualified teschers? Pay?
    2. What about Facilities?
    3. Textbooks, equipment?

    What place do “Frills” like arts education, sports, debate, foreign language teaching, play in your plans?

    For that matter – please define the ideal curriculum and what measures will you use to see that students are mastering the material?

    Finally, if you advocate break-up are you concerned with race and ethnicity – not to mention socio-economic factors. Do you believe in SERRANO v. PRIEST?

    Answers please

  • rlc, that video link happened to be provided by Boortz. It’s just supposed to be funny, and it is.

    I heard Boortz for a few minutes this morning. He may not agree with what Obama said in his speech, but he still said it was a good speech. Rather than assuming, just go to his write-up on it.

    Boortz and Limbaugh are different. Boortz is a libertarian and Rush is a conservative.

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